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New extremely good insight into the current afpak issues
http://atimes.com/at...sia/LD02Df02.html
If we torture the data long enough, it will confess. (Ronald Coase, Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences, 1991)
New Insightful, but nowhere near unbiased
It is pretty insightful about the recent dance that has been going on, but it is also heavily slanted towards India's view of the situation. This puts all the blame for the current situation at the feet of Pakistan and their security agency, the ISI.

In truth, there is more then enough blame to go around. The ISI is certainly guilty of meddling in Afghanistan and dealing with the Taliban. But Karzai's government is also massively corrupt, and there is no reason to put quotes around the word warlord when talking about Afghanistan power brokers. The US intervention has often been heavy handed and misguided.

A government of national unity under Karzai is probably the best hope for stability in Afghanistan. But if it just institutionalizes the current corruption, the stability will be temporary at best. The Taliban is clever enough to join such a government with the intent of undermining it later.

Jay
New Another view:Peter Galbraith via Tom Ricks' blog at FP(typo)
http://ricks.foreign...te_in_afghanistan

[...]

We can't win, he said, because we have no credible local partner. Galbraith, who recently served as the Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to Afghanistan, argued that General McChrystal was tasked with coming up with the best possible strategy to win a war in Afghanistan, not to determine whether or not that best strategy would actually work. The kind of counterinsurgency campaign McChrystal recommended requires an Afghan national army to provide security, a police force to provide order, and a government to provide services and win the loyalty of the people. Of these, we are closest to having a passable Afghan Army. The Afghan police force is far from competent, and -- most importantly -- the Afghan government is widely viewed as illegitimate. Karzai's eight years in office have been marked by inefficiency and corruption. Galbraith believes the next five won't be any better.

Galbraith's silver lining is that our unwinnable war is equally difficult to lose. Were ISAF forces to withdraw, we wouldn't see a dramatic, Vietnam-style defeat, he said. The Taliban would not knock down the Presidential Palace gates in Kabul. Essentially, he thinks things would stay about the same without US and international troops. The Taliban is not popular in much of the country. They would likely solidify control of neighborhoods in Kandahar and the surrounding countryside, but would be unable to take Kabul. [...]


I've thought for a long time that Karzai was dealt a very weak hand from the beginning. The US never had enough forces in the country to allow the central government to control the provinces, so he had to make deals with the warlords from the start. He's found a way to survive this long, so he must feel that he's doing something right and the Americans and the UN/EU have little to teach. If his brother is as corrupt as rumored, then Karzai probably is upset at the upcoming McChrystal offensive in Kandahar as it will affect his family's power. I wonder if that is behind much of his recent bluster wrt the West...

I dunno if Galbraith is right, but Karzai's actions recently make his story plausible to me.

I assume Obama will keep to his previous pledge from December - http://www.huffingto...pts_n_376088.html

[...]

These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.

To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe-haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's Security Forces and government, so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan's future.

We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months.

The 30,000 additional troops that I am announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010 - the fastest pace possible - so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers. They will increase our ability to train competent Afghan Security Forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans.

[...]

Taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground. We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's Security Forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul. But it will be clear to the Afghan government - and, more importantly, to the Afghan people - that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country.

Second, we will work with our partners, the UN, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security.

This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank check are over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance. We will support Afghan Ministries, Governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And we will also focus our assistance in areas - such as agriculture - that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.

The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They have been confronted with occupation - by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand - America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interest in occupying your country. We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect - to isolate those who destroy; to strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will leave; and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron.

[...]

Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a timeframe for our transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort - one that would commit us to a nation building project of up to a decade. I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what we can achieve at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests. Furthermore, the absence of a timeframe for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan.

As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, our or interests. And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces. I do not have the luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I am mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who - in discussing our national security - said, "Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs."

Over the past several years, we have lost that balance, and failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy. In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our friends and neighbors are out of work and struggle to pay the bills, and too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children. Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce. So we simply cannot afford to ignore the price of these wars.

[...]


(Emphasis added.)

Contrary to the Asia Times piece, I think Obama's trip was a very stern demonstration to Karzai that he was serious and the clock was ticking. It wasn't a reflection on the State Department team(s).

FWIW.

Cheers,
Scott.
Expand Edited by Another Scott April 5, 2010, 11:25:00 PM EDT
New then why does he have his tongue 6ft up pakistans ass?
this war has been directed by the ISI we are just the remote controls for them. No effort has been made to win over the pashtun
If we torture the data long enough, it will confess. (Ronald Coase, Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences, 1991)
     extremely good insight into the current afpak issues - (boxley) - (3)
         Insightful, but nowhere near unbiased - (jay)
         Another view:Peter Galbraith via Tom Ricks' blog at FP(typo) - (Another Scott) - (1)
             then why does he have his tongue 6ft up pakistans ass? - (boxley)

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