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New Petraeus, Mitchell, Biden, Netanyahu, Obama and Israel.
Lots of stuff apparently going on behind the scenes....

http://mideast.forei...t_the_whole_story

On Jan. 16, two days after a killer earthquake hit Haiti, a team of senior military officers from the U.S. Central Command (responsible for overseeing American security interests in the Middle East), arrived at the Pentagon to brief Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Adm. Michael Mullen on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The team had been dispatched by CENTCOM commander Gen. David Petraeus to underline his growing worries at the lack of progress in resolving the issue. The 33-slide, 45-minute PowerPoint briefing stunned Mullen. The briefers reported that there was a growing perception among Arab leaders that the U.S. was incapable of standing up to Israel, that CENTCOM's mostly Arab constituency was losing faith in American promises, that Israeli intransigence on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was jeopardizing U.S. standing in the region, and that Mitchell himself was (as a senior Pentagon officer later bluntly described it) "too old, too slow ... and too late."

The January Mullen briefing was unprecedented. No previous CENTCOM commander had ever expressed himself on what is essentially a political issue; which is why the briefers were careful to tell Mullen that their conclusions followed from a December 2009 tour of the region where, on Petraeus's instructions, they spoke to senior Arab leaders. "Everywhere they went, the message was pretty humbling," a Pentagon officer familiar with the briefing says. "America was not only viewed as weak, but its military posture in the region was eroding." But Petraeus wasn't finished: two days after the Mullen briefing, Petraeus sent a paper to the White House requesting that the West Bank and Gaza (which, with Israel, is a part of the European Command -- or EUCOM), be made a part of his area of operations. Petraeus's reason was straightforward: with U.S. troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military had to be perceived by Arab leaders as engaged in the region's most troublesome conflict.

[UPDATE: A senior military officer denied Sunday that Petraeus sent a paper to the White House.

"CENTCOM did have a team brief the CJCS on concerns revolving around the Palestinian issue, and CENTCOM did propose a UCP change, but to CJCS, not to the WH," the officer said via email. "GEN Petraeus was not certain what might have been conveyed to the WH (if anything) from that brief to CJCS."

(UCP means "unified combatant command," like CENTCOM; CJCS refers to Mullen; and WH is the White House.)]

[...]


(via Sullivan)

Cheers,
Scott.
New qustion for ya
"that Israeli intransigence on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was jeopardizing U.S."
the above statement has been absolutely true since 1948 so why did it take petraeus how many fucking years to figure that out?
smell bullshit all the way
If we torture the data long enough, it will confess. (Ronald Coase, Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences, 1991)
New It has more do with the Pentagon taking over foreign policy
This has more to do with the Pentagon slowly taking over for the State Department then any sudden realization. The Bush administration encouraged it and the slow but nearly unstoppable forces of bureaucratic expansion are in play now. It would require a strong hand by the President to hold it back and Obama doesn't seem to have the directness or understanding.

Jay
New That's not my read of it.
E.g. consider Ackerman on Mullen's recent speech - http://washingtonind...trine-takes-shape

[...]

But Mullen’s aides said the chairman was trying to make a subtler point, one that envisioned the deployment of military forces not as a sharp change in strategy from diplomacy but along a continuum of strategy alongside it. “The American people are used to thinking of war and peace as two very distinct activities,” said Air Force Col. Jim Baker, one of Mullen’s advisers for military strategy. “That is not always the case.” In the speech, Mullen focused his definition of military force on the forward deployment of troops or hardware to bolster diplomatic efforts or aid in humanitarian ones, rather than the invasions that the last decade saw.

“Before a shot is even fired, we can bolster a diplomatic argument, support a friend or deter an enemy,” Mullen said. “We can assist rapidly in disaster-relief efforts, as we did in the aftermath of Haiti’s earthquake.”

As much as it seems as though Mullen’s first principle allows for an era of increased conflict, his additional principles flowing from that insight would appear to place constraints on the military. Mullen’s major proposal is that the military should be deployed for future counterinsurgencies or other unconventional conflicts “only if and when the other instruments of national power are ready to engage as well,” such as governance advisers, development experts, and other civilians. “We ought to make it a precondition of committing our troops,” Mullen said, warning that “we aren’t moving fast enough” to strengthen the institutional capacity of the State Department and USAID in order to lift the greatest burdens of national security off the shoulders of the military.

“We shouldn’t start something unless we have the capacity to bring everybody on board,” Baker elaborated, highlighting the “precondition” as among the most important aspects of Mullen’s speech. “I almost read that as more of a cautionary note.” That, at least, is commensurate with the spirit of the Powell Doctrine’s cautions about a national over-reliance on military force. “If you’re going to have anything to sustainable to resolve a conflict, then there’s got to be something that follows,” Baker added, “or you’re going to dump it on the military.”

Stating the position from another — and more controversial — angle, Mullen contended in his speech that foreign policy had become “too dependent upon the generals and admirals who lead our major overseas commands,” an implicit rebuke of the structural factors resulting in the increased diplomatic profile of military leaders like Gen. David Petraeus of U.S. Central Command and Adm. James Stavridis of U.S. European Command. In other words, if State and USAID don’t like being outshined by officers like Petraeus, they need to show a greater assertiveness and capacity to respond to foreign policy challenges before a president turns to the military to solve a problem.

“There is an imbalance in our civilian capacity to work alongside the military in fragile states,” said Cronin, a former senior official at USAID. “The combatant commands are regionally based out in the world, and we don’t have any civilian equivalent of that. So we have to find a way to connect our civilian organization, which is essentially a country team centered on an ambassador, with the interagency represented underneath, with the combatant commander, who has broad swaths of geography and can work across boundaries — which is necessary when you’re dealing with non-state and mobile threats.”

[...]


I take this and the Foreign Policy piece as the end of the Rumsfeldization of the DOD. Instead of treating the State Department as 'know-nothing peaceniks who only get in the way of the glorious of victory', they're returning to the idea that the world is complicated and we have to have a unified approach. State and USAID need to be strengthened, not undercut. What goes on in Israel does affect what happens in Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. We need to be aware of that and deal with it in a coherent way, not simply partition military strategy and tactics versus regional politics.

Mullen continues to strike me as a very sharp cookie who sees the big picture very well.

My $0.02.

Cheers,
Scott.
New military is built to smash infrastructure and kill people
that is what is designed for. His comment about haiti is a crock of shit as well. They stopped aid coming in favor of boots on the ground. The military should do what it does best, the failure of politics. They are not policemen or security guards.
If we torture the data long enough, it will confess. (Ronald Coase, Nobel Prize for Economic Sciences, 1991)
New Read the speech and see if you still feel that way.
http://www.cfr.org/p...y_march_2010.html

The US military has been about much more than "killing people and breaking stuff" since at least the Berlin Airlift of 1948-1949. No other organization can move thousands of tons of equipment and supplies, and experts, into a disaster region as quickly and in a sustained way. (And yes, they still are slower than they should be.) Haiti would be much worse off without their efforts.

Mullen's arguing for a much more nuanced approach than the Powell Doctrine and what happened under Rumsfeld, one that involves State and other civilian agencies much more than DOD.

The world has changed since 1945, and having a military designed for tank battles or sinking battleships isn't effective. In a world where 100M AK-47s and cheap IEDs are ubiquitous, no standing army alone can defeat the potential threat. There is no "battlefield" any more. Our military cannot "win" over the long term by "killing people and breaking stuff" - it has to change hearts and minds and that means doing much more than sending in the Marines or a squadron of stealth bombers to enforce our national interests. Mullen understands that.

Cheers,
Scott.
New Nice source find; blunt beats tap-dancing
(or even.. gnats buzzing around the Quip Store.)
     Petraeus, Mitchell, Biden, Netanyahu, Obama and Israel. - (Another Scott) - (6)
         qustion for ya - (boxley) - (4)
             It has more do with the Pentagon taking over foreign policy - (jay) - (3)
                 That's not my read of it. - (Another Scott) - (2)
                     military is built to smash infrastructure and kill people - (boxley) - (1)
                         Read the speech and see if you still feel that way. - (Another Scott)
         Nice source find; blunt beats tap-dancing - (Ashton)

Just slightly more difficult than choosing your parents.
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